Timeline of the ComEd bribery scandal

This is when the conspiracy outlined in the indictment allegedly begins. This is also when the Illinois General Assembly passed the Energy Infrastructure and Modernization Act, which made it easier for ComEd to predict what it would be able to charge customers, improving the utility’s financial stability.

ComEd signs a contract with the Reyes Kurson law firm. McClain and Hooker allegedly tell a member of the utility’s legal team that hiring the firm is important. McClain does not explain why, and Hooker mentions nothing about legal expertise. The legal team member is expected to testify that it seemed important that ComEd hire the firm because it was important to Madigan.

Pramaggiore becomes ComEd’s CEO.

Pramaggiore tells a member of ComEd’s legal team that the contract with Reyes Kurson has to be renewed.

A series of payments begins to Doherty’s firm, Jay D. Doherty & Associates. The indictment alleges that “a substantial portion” of each payment is intended for Madigan’s associates — including Frank Olivo, Raymond Nice and Edward Moody — even though they did little or no work for the utility.

The member of ComEd’s legal team who had dealt with the Reyes Kurson contract wants to reduce the number of hours of legal work the utility has to provide. The contract calls for at least 850 hours a year. When McClain finds out, he allegedly expresses unhappiness and says Madigan is interested in ComEd renewing the contract. On Jan. 20, 2016, McClain also allegedly sends an email to Pramaggiore and Hooker. It allegedly refers to Madigan as “our Friend” and says, “Is this a drill we must go through?”

The contract is renewed

The Illinois General Assembly passes the Future Energy Jobs Act, which helped maintain the financial stability provided to ComEd through the Energy Infrastructure and Modernization Act.

This is when Madigan and McClain allegedly begin a campaign to have Juan Ochoa appointed to the ComEd board of directors.

Madigan and McClain allegedly discuss pushback to their efforts to have Ochoa appointed to ComEd’s board. The pushback is based on financial problems in Ochoa’s past. McClain said Pramaggiore wants to know if Madigan would be satisfied with another job for Ochoa that paid the same amount of money — $78,000 a year. Madigan allegedly tells McClain, “I would suggest that we continue to support [Ochoa].”

Pramaggiore tells McClain she had instructed Marquez to “hire” another Madigan associate, former Chicago Ald. Michael Zalewski.

Pramaggiore leaves her role as ComEd’s CEO and becomes a senior executive at an affiliate of Exelon, ComEd’s parent company.

Pramaggiore allegedly assures McClain that Ochoa will be appointed to ComEd’s board “barring anything, like, bizarre.” Later, Pramaggiore allegedly tells McClain, “You take good care of me and so does our friend, and I will do the best that I can to, to take care of you.” Prosecutors say Pramaggiore means Madigan when she uses the phrase “our friend.”

Federal agents raid the offices of Ald. Edward M. Burke, revealing for the first time that an aggressive public corruption investigation is underway.

The FBI confronts Fidel Marquez with evidence that had been gathered against him. He begins to secretly cooperate with investigators.

The Chicago Sun-Times reports that Madigan had been secretly recorded in his law office as part of a federal investigation years earlier.

McClain and Marquez meet at a Springfield restaurant. It is among a series of recorded conversations about how to explain ComEd’s arrangement with Jay D. Doherty & Associates, through which Madigan’s associates are paid, to the utility’s new CEO, Joe Dominguez. McClain allegedly tells Marquez that “Doherty’s the one that has to prove that if the IRS ever comes in and says, ‘Who are these guys, what do they do?’ … Doherty’s gotta prove it.”

Marquez speaks with Doherty, who explains his history with ComEd. At one point, Marquez said to Doherty, “So, as far as I know, and maybe you can tell me different, all these guys do is, they’re a sub under you and you cut them a check. Do they do anything? What do they do? What do you have them doing?” Doherty allegedly replies, “Well, not much, to answer the question.” Doherty also allegedly said the reasoning behind his contract “can be answered in Springfield with Madigan. And to keep Madigan happy, I think it’s worth it, because you’d hear otherwise.”

Marquez and McClain meet with Dominguez. During that meeting, McClain describes Madigan’s historical relationship with ComEd as “the old-fashioned patronage system.” He said it eventually morphed into, “How else can we help you?”

Ochoa is appointed to the ComEd board of directors.

This is when the last in the series of payments to Jay D. Doherty & Associates is made.

Federal investigators execute search warrant at McClain’s home in Quincy.

Exelon and ComEd acknowledge they received a federal grand jury subpoena from the U.S. attorney’s office in Chicago seeking information about their lobbying activity in Illinois.

Exelon and ComEd acknowledge they received a second federal grand jury subpoena seeking additional records concerning then-state Sen. Martin Sandoval.

Pramaggiore retires.

ComEd enters into deferred prosecution agreement with U.S. attorney’s office, admits to misconduct that implicates Madigan, and agrees to pay a $200 million fine. Federal investigators also send subpoena to Madigan’s office.

Marquez pleads guilty to a bribery conspiracy.

A federal grand jury hands up the indictment that would lead to the trial of McClain, Pramaggiore, Hooker and Doherty.

A federal grand jury hands up a separate indictment against Madigan and McClain. It alleges the same scheme at issue in the trial of McClain, Pramaggiore, Hooker and Doherty, as well as other schemes.